"What is the End in End State Grammars? A Millennial Look at Interlanguage Data and the Question of Ultimate Attainment" |
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1:30-5:20 pm Saturday September 9 Organizer: Chris
Bongartz , University of North Carolina - Charlotte This colloquium discusses proposals on how to conceptualize end state grammars in second language acquisition. The main focus is on the selection of relevant data and their interpretation: what is the relationship between the data and the underlying representation in interlanguage grammars? We will analyze a broad selection of cross-linguistic data from syntax, morphology, and phonology to address this question. We will elaborate criteria that will help us in finding solutions. The criteria offered will come from a variety of approaches, including the perspectives of Universal Grammar, conceptual restructuring and parsing.
Presentations:
The recent debate over the accessibility of Universal Grammar (UG) in
second language acquisition research has focused on whether or not the
full functional structure (CP, TP, NegP, etc.) is available at the onset
of acquisition. The debate centers around two proposals that have been
offered as hypotheses on the "initial state" in second language acquisition
: the Strong Continuity Hypothesis, which states that all functional categories
are present at the onset of second language acquisition, and the Weak
Continuity Hypothesis, which states that not all functional categories
are initially present. I present evidence to claim that not all functional
projections are available at the onset of second language acquisition.
Specifically, I present developmental data from L1 Hindi speakers learning
English as a second language to show that Left Edges, CP (and DP), are
absent from the "initial state," for principled reasons. The evidence
presented speaks directly to the debate over the Weak versus Strong Continuity
Hypothesis, choosing the Weak version as the favored model of second language
phrase structure acquisition.
Parameter resetting and functional features in interlanguage development
have been discussed extensively with respect to the development of functional
projections in the VP (AgrP, TenseP, AspectP) and at the sentence level
(CP). This paper investigates parameter resetting in the DP, focusing
on two central questions: (1) do learners achieve native speaker competence
in terms of DP feature representation? (2) are there any differentiating
effects of strong or weak determiner features in interlanguage DP feature
representation? (cf. Longobardi, 1994, 1996). The data comes from natural
production in story-retelling and a questionnaire. Participants are L1
Hungarian (strong), L1 French (strong), and L1 German (weak). I compare
interlanguage data from 20 learners in each L1 group with those from 20
native-speakers. Results reveal L1 effects for definiteness features,
but not in terms of specificity - suggesting separate heads for these
features within DP.
Most previous second language (L2) acquisition research has focused on aspects of linguistic knowledge in L2 learners. An issue that has largely been neglected is how L2 learners parse sentences on-line and how grammatical processing develops in L2 learners. This paper investigates two closely related questions: (i) In which ways do the parsing mechanisms used by (advanced) L2 learners differ from those employed by native speakers? (ii) Do parsing mechanisms develop separately from grammatical knowledge in L2 learners? With respect to the first question, we will examine whether L2 learners transfer parsing strategies from their first language when processing the L2. Concerning the second question, we will determine whether L2 learners rely on their L2 grammar for parsing purposes or whether they have to learn parsing mechanisms separately from the L2 grammar. We conducted off-line and on-line experiments with 16 native speakers of Greek and 16 advanced L2 learners of Greek with Spanish as their L1 on attachment preferences in sentences, such as Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony. This sentence is ambiguous in that the relative clause can be taken to modify either the first or the second NP (the servant or the actress). We found a low-attachment preference in all experimental conditions, i.e. the relative clause is preferably attached to the lower NP irrespective of its form (genitive vs. preposition). The results show that (1) even advanced L2 learners (who have acquired all relevant grammatical properties of the constructions involved) still differ from native speakers in the way they parse sentences in the L2, suggesting that parsing mechanisms have to be learnt separately from the grammar; (2) parsing mechanisms are not directly transferred from the L1. For Spanish L2 learners, we found a general preference for low attachment, in contrast to both L1 Spanish and L1 Greek. Low attachment might be a parsing strategy that is preferred by L2 learners, even by advanced learners and perhaps independently of their L1 background.
In this paper, we present and discuss evidence of simultaneous L1 and L2 restructuring in data produced by Finnish- and Russian-speaking advanced users of English. We interpret the results as indicating that the end state in second language acquisition--if there is one--is best characterized in terms of multicompetence. The essence of Selinker's (1972) notion of fossilization is that the end state for most second language learners/users will be an internalized rule system that differs from the target system. Despite various criticisms of fossilization (e.g., Huebner, 1985; Long, 1997), the evidence for persistent errors and other deviations from standard language use is indisputable (see Ellis, 1994). Another area of Selinker's work on fossilization that has proven useful is the Multiple Effects Principle (MEP), which accounts well for the finding that persistent deviations (i.e., fossilized or stabilized structures) in an advanced interlanguage nearly always involve crosslinguistic influence, often in conjunction with other simultaneous factors (e.g., Selinker & Lakshmanan, 1992). We agree with the essence of Selinker's claims concerning persistent deviations and the MEP, but argue that the notion of fossilization does not capture the full extent of restructuring that takes place in second language users' linguistic and conceptual systems as they subsume new forms and meanings and attempt to reconcile incompatibilities between their L1 and L2 experience. Our empirical evidence is drawn from longitudinal data collected from one advanced Finnish-speaking user of English, and from cross-sectional data elicited from 22 advanced Russian-speaking users of English. The data show that linguistic and conceptual restructuring are bi-directional, taking place simultaneously in the L1 and the L2. The data support the MEP by indicating that most of the nonstandard deviations in both languages reflect crosslinguistic influence, but they do not support the view of interlanguage as a continuum extending from some beginning point (whether L1 or UG) to native-like competence in the L2, where most second language users fossilize before reaching the end of the continuum. Instead, our data suggest that interlanguage might be characterized more accurately as a continuum from monolingual competence to multicompetence, where the end state of second language acquisition is not comparable to two independent monolingual states (e.g., Cook, 1991, 1992, 1999; Grosjean, 1989; Jarvis, 1998; Pavlenko, 1999).
In this talk, I address the issue of variability in the fossilized
English L2 end state in two different areas: knowledge of adverb placement
and past tense marking. The data come from Patty, a native speaker of
Chinese who acquired English as an adult and is the subject of an ongoing
longitudinal case study.
The paper investigates the functional architecture of the grammar underlying
the presumably ultimate level of attainment achieved by an adult speaker
of Russian who began her informal acquisition of English at the age of
39/40. The talk will focus on several questions in particular: evidence
for the absence of a CP and Agr(S)Projection; related to the latter is
the question of whether the grammar lacks SPEC projections and employs
adjunction instead. While the paper is framed on the oral production of
one speaker, it will attempt to make the case for the generalizability
of this type of f-architecture to other grammars underlying low-level
attainment. |
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Last updated July 2, 2000.
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